The National Security Archive document below provides information on the US government’s relations with the Iraqi government in the 1980s.

    The National Security Archive document below provides information on the US government’s relations with the Iraqi government in the 1980s.

    The document details the involvement of Donald Rumsfeld, who as Defence Secretary under the Bush administration, was an outspoken proponent of the US-led war in Iraq. Critically examine whether Rumsfeld’s political choices vis-à-vis Iraq, both the ends pursued and the means used, were justified. Be sure to make reference to Machiavelli in your discussion,
    Washington, D.C., 25 February 2003 ­ The National Security Archive at George Washington University today published on the Web a series of declassified U.S. documents detailing the U.S. embrace of Saddam Hussein in the early 1980’s, including the renewal of diplomatic relations that had been suspended since 1967. The documents show that during this period of renewed U.S. support for Saddam, he had invaded his neighbor (Iran), had long-range nuclear aspirations that would “probably” include “an eventual nuclear weapon capability, harbored known terrorists in Baghdad, abused the human rights of his citizens, and possessed and used chemical weapons on Iranians and his own people. The U.S. response was to renew ties, to provide intelligence and aid to ensure Iraq would not be defeated by Iran, and to send a high-level presidential envoy named Donald Rumsfeld to shake hands with Saddam (20 December 1983).

     

    The declassified documents posted today include the briefing materials and diplomatic reporting on two Rumsfeld trips to Baghdad, reports on Iraqi chemical weapons use concurrent with the Reagan administration’s decision to support Iraq, and decision directives signed by President Reagan that reveal the specific U.S. priorities for the region: preserving access to oil, expanding U.S. ability to project military power in the region, and protecting local allies from internal and external threats. The documents include:

     

    * A U.S. cable recording the December 20, 1983 conversation between Donald Rumsfeld and Saddam Hussein. Although Rumsfeld said during a September 21, 2002 CNN interview, “In that visit, I cautioned him about the use of chemical weapons, as a matter of fact, and discussed a host of other things,” the document indicates there was no mention of chemical weapons. Rumsfeld did raise the issue in his subsequent meeting with Iraqi official Tariq Aziz.

     

    * National Security Decision Directive (NSDD) 114 of November 26, 1983, “U.S

    Policy toward the Iran-Iraq War,” delineating U.S. priorities: the ability to project military force in the Persian Gulf and to protect oil supplies, without reference to chemical weapons or human rights concerns.

     

    * National Security Decision Directive (NSDD) 139 of April 5, 1984, “Measures to Improve U.S. Posture and Readiness to Respond to Developments in the Iran-Iraq War,” focusing again on increased access for U.S. military forces in the Persian Gulf and enhanced intelligence-gathering capabilities. The directive calls for “unambiguous” condemnation of chemical weapons use, without naming Iraq, but places “equal stress” on protecting Iraq from Iran’s “ruthless and inhumane tactics.” The directive orders preparation of “a plan of action designed to avert an Iraqi collapse.

     

    * U.S. and Iraqi consultations about Iran’s 1984 draft resolution seeking United Nations Security Council condemnation of Iraq’s chemical weapons use. Iraq conveyed several requests to the U.S. about the resolution, including its preference for a lower-level response and one that did not name any country in connection with chemical warfare; the final result complied with Iraq’s requests.

     

    * The 1984 public U.S. condemnation of chemical weapons use in the Iran-Iraq war, which said, referring to the Ayatollah Khomeini’s refusal to agree to end hostilities until Saddam Hussein was ejected from power, “The United States finds the present Iranian regime’s intransigent refusal to deviate from its avowed objective of eliminating the legitimate government of neighboring Iraq to be inconsistent with the accepted norms of behavior among nations and the moral and religious basis which it claims.”
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